2021年美國新一屆政府創新技術議程（英文版）（47頁）.pdf

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1、#Tech2021 Ideas for Digital Democracy Washington, DC Ankara Belgrade Berlin Brussels Bucharest Paris Warsaw Edited by Karen Kornbluh and Sam duPont With Forewords by Rep. Will Hurd and Christopher Schroeder November 2020 November 2020 #Tech2021 2#Tech2021: Ideas for Digital Democracy 3 Foreword Will

2、 Hurd 5 Foreword Christopher Schroeder 7 Introduction Karen Kornbluh, Sam duPont, and Eli Weiner 10 Unlocking Digital Governance Toomas Ilves 12 Investing in the Future with a National Bank for Green Tech Reed Hundt 15 Leveraging Open Data with a National Open Computing Strategy Lara Mangravite and

3、John Wilbanks 17 Building Civic Infrastructure for the 21st Century Ellen P. Goodman 20 Mitigating Supply Chain Risk: Component Security is Not Enough Edward Cardon, Harvey Rishikof, and Thomas Hedberg, Jr 22 Addressing the Harmful Effects of Predictive Analytics Technologies Rashida Richardson 25 A

4、dvancing Digital Trust with Privacy Rules and Accountability Quentin Palfrey 27 Prioritizing Workforce Mobility in the Age of Digital Transformation Laura Taylor-Kale 30 Launching a Cyber Risk Grand Challenge Adam Bobrow 32 Strengthening the Global Internet with a Digital Trade Agreement Sam duPont

5、34 Establishing a Tech Strategist Cohort Across the Federal Government Ian Wallace 36 Upgrading Digital Financial Infrastructure for Fairness Kabir Kumar and Tilman Ehrbeck 39 Reforming the Patent System to Support Innovation Lisa Larrimore Ouellette and Heidi Williams 41 Averting a Crisis of Confid

6、ence in Artificial Intelligence R. David Edelman 43 Protecting Democracy and Public Health from Online Disinformation Karen Kornbluh Table of Contents November 2020 #Tech2021 3#Tech2021: Ideas for Digital Democracy A critical factor in the United States economic and military success has been the ach

7、ievement of global leadership in advanced technology; however, the next administration will inherit the countrys most tenuous global position in this area since the Second World War. In todays Fourth Industrial Revolution, technological change over the next 30 years will make the last 30 years look

8、insignificant. The next admin- istration will also deal with a dramatically shifting global landscape influenced by the long-term effects of the coronavirus pandemic and a Chinese govern- ment that is trying to rapidly erode U.S. technological advantages through legal and illegal means. Winning this

9、 generation-defining struggle for global leadership in advanced technology will not just affect the U.S. economy but will also shape the rest of the century for the entire world. The next administration must have a comprehensive technology agenda to spur innovation in the United States, leverage inn

10、ovative technologies within government to better serve citizens, mitigate the challenges posed by technological disruption, and work with allies to ensure our democratic values drive development of these new tools. Though artificial intelligence (AI) is just one of many critical emerging technologie

11、s, the blueprint for achieving global leadership in AI can be a useful guide for how the next administration could foster innova- tion across a number of technologies. The explosion of data and computational capability has made advances in AI possible; but these resources are concurrently chokepoint

12、s preventing the maturity of the industry. Continued AI innovation will require large amounts of data and if the federal government provided more high-quality data sets to the public, entrepreneurs and researchers could compete more closely on the quality of their ideas, rather than their access to

13、proprietary data sets. Open data does not just advance innovation, it can also promote equity by reducing one source of bias in AIinferior training data. While vetted gov- ernment data sets will not eliminate bias, this coupled with investment in digital infrastructure can go a long way in addressin

14、g digital equity. Whether it is increas- ing access to supercomputing resources for academic researchers to advance basic knowledge or providing broadband access so underserved communities can participate in the digital economy, the United States will not reach its full AI potential if bright minds

15、are left behind. Bringing these technologies into the public sector will also allow governments at all levels to better serve citizens. In the face of a global pandemic, government information technology systems at the federal, state, and local levels have been tested. When citizens need- ed governm

16、ent the most, paper-based processes and legacy digital systems failed to scale, causing unnec- essary delays and suffering. Rapidly scaling capacity is just one benefit of moving to the cloud. With the public sectors data safely in the cloud, civil servants will be able to use modern tools, like tho

17、se powered by machine learning and AI, to draw insights that were previously impossible. Armed with this new in- telligence, civic leaders can offer Americans a better, more efficient version of government. The effort to modernize government systems should not cease after the coronavirus pandemic. I

18、nstead, we should use this as an impetus to supercharge modernization efforts. While technology can be used to improve society, these same digital tools will be used against us by our adversaries. Russian disinformation operations have turned tools designed to bring us together into weap- FOREWORD W

19、ILL HURD November 2020 #Tech2021 4#Tech2021: Ideas for Digital Democracy ons to drive us apart. While the United States first ex- perienced this in full force during the 2016 elections, many of its European allies, from the United Kingdom to Montenegro, have been dealing with the effects of Russian

20、interference for years. In the summer of 2020, National Counterintelligence and Security Center Di- rector William Evanina stated that not only did this malicious activity shows no signs of abating, but that countries like China and Iran were also starting to take a page out of the Russian playbook.

21、 In addition to dis- information, we have to be prepared for our adversar- ies continued use of cyberattacks to steal intellectual property, probe critical infrastructure, and violate the privacy of Americans. The next administration will be unable to tackle these challenges alone. Beginning with th

22、e Marshall Plan that rebuilt Europe after the Second World War and served as the bedrock commitment enabling the creation of NATO in 1949, the center of internation- al prosperity and security has been U.S.-led alliances, not the United States alone. We stood up to despots and tyrants and helped our

23、 friends stand on their own. We did not take spoils but showed leadership and worked toward shared goals with our allies. If the next administration embraces the understanding that the United States has become an exceptional nation not because of what we have taken but because of what we have given,

24、 then we will continue our position as the global leader in advanced technology despite un- certain times. November 2020 #Tech2021 5#Tech2021: Ideas for Digital Democracy I am often asked about the most exciting develop- ments in technology, and I like to cite the potential of artificial intelligenc

25、e and data science, advancements in robotics and genomics, and more. But perhaps the greatest leap globally in technology is not the tech itself, but increasingly universal access to it. Ten years ago, analysts predicted that by 2020, two-thirds of humanity would have a smart deviceeach “phone” with

26、 more computing power than NASA had to put a man on the moon. Today most communities have blown through those predictions, dramatically expanding the ability of people everywhere to connect, collaborate, and learn. What is more, this shift has unleashed talent and innovation, forever changing who ca

27、n compete in the new global economy, and how they do so. The coronavirus pandemic has accelerated all these trendsperhaps ten years of technology adoption and embrace of digital life has happened in a matter of months. Compelled to buy daily staples online, attend virtual classes, and video chat wit

28、h their doctors, mil- lions have embraced behavioral changes that will only reinforce and intensify the speed of technological ad- vancement. That expanded access to technology is unleashing so much bottom-up innovation should not mask the top-down impact that governments and other institu- tions ca

29、n have. It is tempting, especially in the busi- ness world, to hope these institutions merely “get out of the way,” and sometimes they should. At the same time, the physical infrastructure, education systems, regulatory environments, and rule of law created by these institutions are at the center of

30、 what allows a society to survive and thrive in the midst of rapid change. In the United States and around the globe, the stakes could not be higher. While billions of people have rapidly entered the digital age, millions in the United States lack access. We have long paid lip ser- vice to the “digi

31、tal divide,” and some efforts to bridge it have made progress. But in the 21st century, asking someone to work, live, and learn without the Internet is like asking them to get by in the 20th century with- out a road to drive on. Since the Second World War, succeeding in the global economy has meant

32、making technology in, or selling a product to, the United States. This assump- tion no longer holds. As innovative talent is unleashed in every country, globally competitive enterprises are being built everywhere. China is the prime example of a rising market that now stands toe to toe with the Unit

33、ed States and it has succeeded by developing technology that is increasingly popular worldwide. And there are many “mini Chinas” rising: from Indo- nesia to Vietnam, Egypt to Kenya, Estonia to Brazil. We are witnessing a new globalism, whether we wish to believe it or not. And we are in the earliest

34、 stages of these momentous shifts. So where are these shifts discussed in the U.S. po- litical debate? It is shocking that the answer is “al- most nowhere.” Not one question in the presidential debates focused seriously on the United States place in global innovation, or how new tools will reshape h

35、ow to learn, engage, heal, buy, or sell domestically. When technology does enter the political discussion, it is often treated as a side show, a ribbon-cutting PR event for politicians and nothing more. Or it is viewed solely for the threats it creates: from data breaches to political manipulation.

36、It is typical of Washington to look backward and try to drive policy change through old-fashioned mod- FOREWORD CHRISTOPHER SCHROEDER November 2020 #Tech2021 6#Tech2021: Ideas for Digital Democracy els. Do we need a START treaty for cyberwar? Should fintech innovators be regulated under the regimes

37、cre- ated for banking systems decades ago? This instinct is antithetical to the ethos of innovation. Washington cannot get caught in the tar of bureaucracy and regu- latory constraint, lest we fail to achieve what citizens expect and our country needs. What has been most seriously lacking is a coher

38、- ent, cohesive, fact-driven analysis of where we are, what we want, and how we get there. We risk a hap- hazard approach with no overarching plan or vision for the future. The German Marshall Funds Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative (GMF Digital) has leapt out as a leader in advancing inno

39、vation and increas- ing economic opportunity for all, while strengthening democratic values at home and abroad. The breadth and coherence of #Tech2021honest, expert-led, digestible, and action-orientedis astounding. It pushes us to stop sleepwalking toward predictable outcomes and offers ideas that

40、will light up conver- sation in the United States and among its allies and partners. Technology knows no party or border. U.S. leader- ship requires the will to move beyond political over- simplification and demands a grounding in the facts as we understand them, a coherent debate about 21st century

41、 strategy, and clear, actionable ideas that the next administration must prioritize. #Tech2021, in the end, is an inspiring call to action. November 2020 #Tech2021 7#Tech2021: Ideas for Digital Democracy INTRODUCTION KAREN KORNBLUH, SAM DUPONT, AND ELI WEINER Congressman Will Hurd and Chris Schroede

42、r underscore in their forewords that the United States finds itself at a pivot point when it comes to inno- vation. New technologies will bring enormous new opportunity we must seize to address our existing challengesand new disruption to which we must respond. Fortunately, good ideas abound for how

43、 to ensure these innovations improve lives, increase national security, and strengthen democratic values. #Tech2021 offers strategic, turnkey reforms from experts for how the U.S. government can leverage technology to ensure individuals and society thrive in the midst of rapid change. Despite the di

44、versity of these briefs, some themes emerge: Innovation is fundamentally a bottom-up phe- nomenon, so opportunity to participate must be broadly distributed. As Schroeder observes, while many may wish for the government to simply “get out of the way,” governments and other institutions working from

45、the top down are needed to spur physical infrastructure (especially broadband access), education and training, and smart rules of the road that unlock the technological potential of our society and economy. Privacy protections and positive corrections to systemic inequities must be built in to ensur

46、e democratic values are protected and strength- ened. Innovation happens in a global context. Dem- ocratic allies should work together to ensure that new technologies support and strengthen democratic values. The ideas offered up are varied and specific. Digital identities and resilient data archite

47、c- ture. Estonias former president Toomas Ilves urges we learn from the Estonian model to improve the de- livery of government services by creating a function- al framework for digital governance. He urges two critical policy interventions: creating secure digital identities for individuals and crea

48、ting resilient data architectures for government. A national bank for green tech. Reed Hundt proposes closing the gap in funds needed to con- vert to 100 percent clean energy by financing cata- lytic investments that drive private capital toward a clean, technology-driven economy that creates new, h

49、igh-paying jobs. A National Green Bank would fo- cus on directly financing clean-energy projects, sup- porting state and local green banks, purchasing addi- tional greenhouse-gas reductions, and ensuring a just transition. A national open computing strategy. Lara Man- gravite and John Wilbanks argue the government should provide subsidized cloud computing to low- er cost barriers for scientific researchers to analyze large data sets and leverage its negotiating power to protect federal resources and the privacy of citizens whose data are analyzed. Civic infrastructure fo